Object: Love sticks

E/1952/1/4 a-b
Pair of love sticks
Trukese
Chuuk (formerly Truk) island group, Micronesia
ca 1952
Materials: Wood and paint

This object is a pair of so-called “love sticks” from the Chuuk (formerly Truk) island group in Micronesia. These sticks were carved by men of the Chuuk island group as a part of their courtship traditions. Each man would carve his own unique pattern on to his love stick that could be identified by the single women in the village. According to tradition, when a man was interested in courting a woman for marriage the man would poke his love stick into the wall of her hut. The woman would then identify her suitor by the carvings on the love stick and decide if she was also interested in him. If she was interested she would pull the stick inside her hut, if she wasn’t interested she would push it out.

The Chuuk island group has seen a dramatic increase in anthropological and archaeological research since World War II. The Japanese took over control of the islands in 1914 and established a naval base in the lagoon that was in use during World War II. The lagoon still contains many wrecked ships and planes. During the war the native culture of the Chuuk islands suffered greatly. Many of the Truk people were either killed or wounded during the war and most were forced out of their homes to make way for Japanese military personnel stationed on the islands. On February 17-18, 1944 the United States launched an attack on the Japanese naval base in the Chuuk lagoon, called Operation Hailstone. The attack lasted two days and included a combination of airstrikes, surface ship actions, and submarine attacks. In the end, 16 Japanese war ships, and over 250 Japanese aircraft were destroyed. The Japanese were not able to restore full base operations on Chuuk which eliminated one of the largest threats to the Allied forces in the central Pacific.  The following video is an excerpt from an interview with a eyewitness to the Operation Hailstone attack. [Kathryn S. (Barr) McCloud]

Object: African Sowo Mask

E/1974/1/1
Mende: Sowo Mask
Guinea Coast, Africa
Date Unknown
Materials: Carved wood, paint

The Sande Society is made up of female members throughout the western coast of Africa. The Mende are one of the several cultures that practice the Sande ideology. Mende groups live in the regions presently known as Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea. This mask exemplifies the characteristics of “secret society” masks that are used among the Mende members.

The Mende term for this type of mask is Sowo Mask. The mask is used in Sande ceremonial and ritual activities. The Sande Society is perceived as secret because many of the actual rituals and values are not shared with outsiders. Every Mende female goes into the Sande Society. Sande influences the social, physical and emotional development of a woman during her lifetime. Members of the Sande Society promote female empowerment, beauty and personal identity as well. Female Mende members are young girls when Sande members initiate them. During the initiation rituals, elder members actually wear masks like the one pictured above. Raffia and cloth from the neck down complete the Sande dress.

The Sowo mask itself is not the symbol of Sande. The mask does, however represent ideal images of wealth, good health and status. During the initiation ceremony, it also possesses the spirit of a water deity. The mask pictured above is adorned with elaborate and tightly rolled coils of hair. The largest and most highly decorated elements of the masks are the coiffures. Some masks are embellished with birds or snakes on the hair. Many of the masks share characteristic slit eyes. The mask pictured above has a single, vertical line that lies through each eye. It may possibly symbolize cicatrization, which is common with Sowo masks.

The production of Sowo masks are often commissioned to local men. They make the masks out of wood because it is functional and durable. They are painted with black paint, shoe polish or oil. This provides a shiny appearance and keeps it cleaner. In the Sande Society, it is very important that the masks are elaborate and have aesthetic appeal. By conservative estimates, the Sande Society has been active for several hundred years! Sowo masks are unique in that the Sande Society is the only indigenous organization in Africa in which women customarily wear masks.

[Alana Cox]

Object: Haida Hat

E/1957/24/6
Haida: Men’s Hat
British Columbia, Canada
ca 1880
Materias: wood, pigment

This object is a conical shaped Haida hat made out of twined cedar wood. It is painted with a red and black abstract motif.

The Haida Indians are native to the northern parts of British Columbia in the Queen Charlotte Islands. They are often employed in the logging industries, fishing and the arts. The abundant resource of wood has allowed them to incorporate canoes, totem poles and hats into their art and ceremonial traditions.

This men’s hat probably served as clan hat. Hats were the most important items of dress among Northwest Coast tribes. Families display their clans or crests on masks and clothing. The most important occasions for such displays are the potlatches. Clothing elements worn at potlatch ceremonies display clan affiliation. The Haida belong to one or two clans, the Eagle or the Raven clan. Both animals are held in high regard, but the Raven is accredited with various components of creation and is considered to be the cultural hero of the Haida.

Haida and other Northwest Coast objects are very distinct. This hat represents the common use of red and black pigment. Black is typically the primary color, whereas red is the secondary color. The unique use of formlines and abstract shapes complement the color scheme on this mask. Like other Haida masks, this was likely woven by a woman and painted by a man. The traditional gender division of labor is still practiced today. This mask was made during the late 19th century during a time that Northwest Coast art production was at a slump. A resurgence of the traditional art occurred during the second half of the 20th century. While this hat is presently in fragile condition, it once likely served as a durable ceremonial element for its owner.

[Alana Cox]

Object: Hopi Figurine

E/1978/1/33
Hopi: Kachina Figurine
Arizona
20th century
Materials: Pottery, clay, paint

This ceramic figurine is a Hopi representation of a kachina, a spiritual being in Puebloan religions commonly referred to as kachina cults. Kachinas are messengers for the Hopi, delivering prayers and offerings to gods for fertility and health. There are several hundred different kachinas which can each be identified by their unique mask and costume. Every kachina has a specific purpose. The iconography providing evidence for the first kachinas is found in the archaeological record in northeastern Arizona, dating as far back as 1300 C.E.

Historically, kachina dolls were carved out of cottonwood by uncles in the Pueblo, to be given to their nieces during ceremonial dances. During these ceremonies, men of the pueblo wear kachina masks, fully embodying the kachina spirit itself rather than merely dressing as the kachina. The Powamuya, or Bean Dance, is an example of such a ceremony and serves as a rite of passage for young girls. The dance ensures good health for the girls and fertility for the bean seeds, which are then planted on the last day of the ceremony. For a period of sixteen days, the kachinas maintain a large fire to keep the seeds warm as they walk around inspecting, blessing and guarding the bean seeds. This continues until the sixteenth day, when the germinated seeds are distributed in a public ceremony and planted by participants, in hopes of a successful harvest.

Kachina dolls are still used today as an educational tool, telling stories to convey their role as messengers between the earth and the spirit world. Furthermore, it is now acceptable for men to give kachina dolls to children and adults alike, both male and female, and regardless of familial ties. Today, contemporary Hopi artists combine time-honored conventional techniques with personal creative license, creating modern interpretations of the tradition of crafting Hopi kachina dolls. Click here to watch a video about how kachina carving techniques have changed during the past century!

[Anna Rice]

Object: Peyote Box

E/2010/6/1
Navajo: Peyote Box
Utah, United States
2010
Materials: Steel, paint, felt

Peyote boxes are the containers that members of the Native American Church use to store and transport the ritual and personal objects used by participants in the night-long religious services of the Church. Peyote boxes can be classified into two basic forms; boxes specifically produced for use by Peyotists and a wide range of containers adapted for such use. In addition to their functional value Peyote boxes also provide an additional arena for the expressive culture of Peyotism through the various media and methods employed to decorate and embellish the exterior surfaces of Peyote boxes. Through a lifetime of use peyote boxes become highly intimate, portable records of personal experience, both spiritual and secular. Peyote boxes provide a rich context for an examination of the criteria used by museums to collect objects and the potential for biased representations of the material world.

Almost every participant in the Peyote religion uses some type of container to store and carry the various objects, items, and materials that worshippers need during the all-night ceremony, or “meeting,” as called by members. The first containers associated with Peyotism to gain mention in the anthropological literature are satchels or bags used to house and transport the ritual instruments of Roadmen, or leaders, of religious services. Referred to as kits, these containers of cloth, carpet, and leather were later replaced by valises and commercially made wooden boxes. Others found these “paraphernalia satchels” to be universal among the tribal communities included in his comparative study of the religion, its ceremonies and material attributes.

Among their most important contents are gourd rattles, prayer feathers, fans, drumsticks, botanicals, and other ceremonial items.  Boxes are also used to store an array of non-ceremonial items that are useful throughout the nightlong services of the religion. These include jewelry, neckties, combs, mirrors, handkerchiefs, and other personal items. It is also usual for a box to contain a pen or pencil and some notepaper, important for the exchange of names and addresses with newly made friends and to record the dates and locations of future meetings, with invitations commonly extended at the close of services. Peyote boxes also serve as repositories for personal mementos, photographs of friends and family members and other objects of individual significance and meaning. Among such objects are baby moccasins, Christian medals and crosses, military ribbons and insignia, personal letters and important documents.

This commercial toolkit box was made by Delbert Blackhorse. Delbert Blackhorse is a Dine (Navajo) artist from Crow Springs, Utah.  He was raised in the traditions of the Native American Church and is well known for his painted water buckets, breakfast bowls and other objects used in the services of the Church.  Blackhorse is also a renowned musical artist, composing and recording numerous works in the Peyote and other genres of Native American Music.  This is a commercial steel toolbox that has been painted using airbrush and traditional painting techniques.  The designs employed include ribbon work patterns derived from the use of overlaying strips of ribbon or cloth that have been cut ands folded to create intricate geometric patterns and designs.  Ribbon work has a very recent history among the Navajo, introduced through their exposure to its use in Oklahoma and other regions to decorate Peyote blankets, ties and shawls.  The hummingbird is an important figure in Navajo cosmology and a common design element in Navajo painting, sculpture, jewelry and other art forms. For a sample of Delbert Blackhorse’s music, watch the video below! To read an article by Daniel Swan on Peyote Boxes click here.

References: Slotkin 1952:589; Bittle 1969:74; Spindler and Spindler 1971:102; La Barre 1989:66; Stewart 1989:344-45, 358); Swan 2008:51.

[Daniel C. Swan]

 

 

Object: Fragmentary Wall Fresco

C/1950/2/1
Fragment of wall Fresco
Pompeii, Italy
Roman
Ca. 60 C.E.
Materials:  Paint and plaster

This object is a fragment of a Roman wall fresco from Pompeii, Italy.  A faded ink inscription on the lower part of the fragment at the time of accession indicates it originated in the Casa di Fauno (House of the Faun), in Pompeii.  The section is 7.5” high and 7.0” wide.  Between two horizontal bands of green is a pattern of successive diamond-shaped panels formed of simple wreaths.  In each panel an appliquéd stucco comic mask is located.  This example has two masks preserved. The House of the Faun was first excavated by Carlo Bonucci between October 1831 and May 1832.  Accession records for this piece of fresco indicate it was collected from Pompeii in 1896.

The site of Pompeii is located in western Italy in a region called Campania, near the Bay of Naples.  The oldest buildings of Pompeii date to the 6th century B.C.E. and likely only occupied a small part of the south-western area, between the main Forum and the Triangular Forum. Pompeii gradually expanded toward the east and the north. Most of the ruins date back to its establishment as a Roman colony in 80 B.C.E.

On the morning of August 24th, 79 C.E. the volcano, Mt. Vesuvius, burst open with an earsplitting crack. Smoke, mud, flames and burning stones spewed from the summit of the mountain, sending a rain of ash and rock through the surrounding countryside. The mud seeped down the sides of Vesuvius, swallowing nearby farms, orchards and villas. Adding to the destruction were the noxious vapors that accompanied the falling debris; the fumes first caused deliriousness in their victims, then suffocated them. The unfortunate people who could not escape the disaster were killed by falling buildings, overcome by the volcanic gas, or simply buried by the rapidly falling ash. Their bodies were quickly covered by the volcano’s mineral deposits, which covered Pompeii in a layer more than 30 feet thick.

Watch a video that includes Pliny the Younger’s first hand account of the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius here.

The House of the Faun was one of the largest and most expensive residences in ancient Pompeii, and today it is the most visited of all the houses in the famous ruins. The house takes up a whole city block, with an interior of some 3000 square meters. Built in the late second century B.C.E., the house is remarkable for the lavish mosaics which covered the floors, some still in place.

Although scholars are somewhat divided about the exact dates, it is likely that the first construction of the House of the Faun was built about 180 B.C.E. Some small changes were made over the next 250 years, but the house remained pretty much as it was constructed until August 24, 79 C.E., when Vesuvius erupted, and the owners either fled the city, or died with the other residents of Pompeii.

Fresco is the term for mural painting that has been done on the fresh, wet plaster of walls and ceilings.  Many of the frescoes uncovered at Pompeii are buon fresco.  In this style of fresco painting, a rough under-layer called the arricco is applied to the whole area to be painted.  It is then allowed to dry for several days.  Many artists would sketch their composition on this under-layer since it would never be seen.  When the artist was ready to paint, a smooth layer of fine plaster was added to the wall.  Usually, only an area large enough to be completed in a single was day was covered.  This work area was called the giornata, or “day’s work.” [Debra Taylor]

Object: Bark Painting

E/1976/14/2
Bark Painting
Australia
Materials: bark, wood, ocher

Bark paintings such as this one most often depict animals, humans, mythical beings, animal tracks and other more abstract symbols that are traditional to Aboriginal art. The symbols contained in Aboriginal art are drawn from cultural background as are the different styles of art most often generated by Aboriginal people – sand painting, bark painting, rock painting or body art.  These symbols often have a spiritual or religious meaning, but can be secular in nature as well.  Some symbols, for instance, can only be interpreted by members of the society that have been through a certain religious ritual and are unreadable to those who have not.  Some symbols represent ideas that are very familiar to the Aboriginal people but may not be readily interpreted by outsiders.  Symbols could also be used to keep a pictorial diary of important events.

Today, the art of this culture is in high demand on art markets all around the world and the methods used to produce it have become more modern with the use of canvas and synthetic  paint. The symbols depicted, though, have not changed for thousands of years.   Aboriginal art often contains symbols from Dreamtime stories.  To the Aborigines, Dreamtime is a time before creation, when the world was blank and ready to be filled with creatures and landscapes.   Dreamtime Stories are the tales about the creation of the Earth and all of the people and animals on it.  These tales are a large part of the oral and artistic traditions of the Australian native people and are traditionally told to young children as part of their education about the world.

There are several traditional styles of painting within this art type including the iconic dot painting found on so many pieces today.  The Dot painting is a means of depicting designs that were originally done as sand paintings using different colored sands, seeds, pebbles and other small natural objects.  Translated into paint on canvas, these sand motifs are represented using dots of paint.  Another style is Skeleton or X-Ray painting originating from the region of Western Arnhem Land over 2000 years ago.  In this style, internal organs and skeletons of figures and animals are depicted as well as solid objects.  The use of a stencil, mostly the human hand, is also very iconic for this type of art and is one of the oldest types of painting at over 4000 years old. [Katrina Kassis Swihart]

Object: Bark Painting

E/1976/14/1
Australia: Bark Painting
Australia
20th century
Materials: bark, ocher

Australian Aboriginal bark painting is an involved process that takes skill and knowledge to accomplish.  The art has been practiced for centuries and the methods of bark painting have been passed down through the generations.  To create a bark painting an artist must first collect the bark that is used as the canvas.  The Stringybark or Gum Tree (Eucalyptus tetradonta) is the type of tree that works best for bark painting because large uninterrupted portions of the bark can be removed at once.  The Stringybark Tree is native to Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand and is often cultivated in the temperate zones as shade trees on plantations. These trees can grow to be quite large, over 250 feet tall, but are more commonly around 30 to 100 feet tall.  To remove the bark, an artist uses a hatchet to chop around the circumference of the tree above his head. A strait, tall section of tree must be selected for the cutting.  Then the same is done at the bottom of the tree.  The bark begins to loosen and can be easily removed from the tree leaving the tree naked as seen in the picture to the right.

To prepare the bark for painting it first has to be smoked.  A fire is lit and burned down to embers.  Then the embers are rolled down the inside of the bark piece. This burns away any stray fibers and heats the bark so that it can be flattened.  Once flattened, the bark must be dried for two or three days.  When the bark canvas is ready, it is time to make the paint.  Paint is made from naturally occurring ocher found in the area.  Ocher is a mineral deposit, mainly iron oxide, that ranges in color from white and yellow, to orange and red (see examples of ocher in picture at left). This mineral is used as a natural pigment.

The ocher is then ground into powder and combined with a fluid agent to create paint. Traditionally saliva or animal blood was used as fluid, but contemporary artists more often use acrylic as a binding agent.  Paintbrushes are made by pounding wood with stone until the fibers are exposed.  Sticks or small paintbrushes are also used for detail work.  Ash is brushed over the bark first to create a dark background then a design is painted in ocher. A video of an artist making a bark painting can be seen here.

[Katrina Kassis Swihart]

Object: Statuette

C/1945/1/1
Tanagra: Statuette
Boeotia, Greece
Late Hellenic
ca. 350 – 250 BCE
Materials:  terra-cotta

This object is a hollow, terra-cotta female figurine atop a low, flat base.  The standing woman is draped in cloth to make a robe with many folds, the arms are covered, the right hand is holding gathered cloth, and the left hand is holding a leaf-shaped fan.  The mantle is pulled up over the head to make a hood with a pointed fold in the center above the forehead.  The back side has less draping detail, except for one piece of draping that falls from the left shoulder (see image below).  A rectangular opening has been cut in the middle of the back of the figurine, and another hole is located at the bottom of the base.

A series of small statuettes were uncovered in Tanagra in the late 19th century.  Due to their association with graves, the objects were first determined to be votive offerings; however, some scholars now believe that the purpose of the statuettes was not religious, but simply for personal use and decoration.   The Tanagra statuettes were mass-produced terra-cotta figurines that were mold-cast and fired.  Terracotta, which literally means “baked earth,” is made from natural clay, which gives it a characteristic reddish brown color. The color varies slightly depending on the clay used. Tanagra figures were molded in clay from possibly two or more molds, with the head often molded separately. This practice of molding separate head pieces is visible on the object pictured above.  After baking the clay, the figurines were painted to accentuate details such as eyes and hair. The statuettes are an expression of what is referred to as the later Hellenic civilization. Most of the figures, like those pictured here, are of women wearing various styles of garments, Phrygian style hats, and holding fans. This statuette holds the leaf-shaped fan characteristic of Tanagra statuettes.

This statuette belongs to the group of Tanagra figurines known as the “Tanagra Dancers.”  While not all scholars agree that the Tanagra statuettes portray dancers, many of the figurines show females in a pose that has been referred to as “dancing.”   The position of the body and the drape of the clothing suggest a style reminiscent of oriental dance.   The example here has the left leg bent in possible movement under the garment.  The statuette conveys a sense of movement which is gained by the cascade of folds of the cloth around the body.  The depiction of movement displayed by the statuette is representative of the ideal canon of proportions established by Polyclitus.

During the fourth century BCE, Philip of Macedon conquered Greece triggering a transformation in the thinking of the people of Greece.  The emphasis of daily Greek life turned away from the previous attention given to heroic traditions and public affairs, and instead turned to matters of private interest. Within the shadow of conquest came the advent of the mass-produced Tanagra statuettes.  The popularity of the figures among the common people can be directly connected to a change in attitude. The old belief system of faith in civic ideals had been replaced by progressive individualism, and a paradigmatic shift in attitude from the group mentality to the importance of the individual.  The Tanagra statuettes exemplify this shift as the individual is represented, not for religious or ceremonial purposes, but simply for personal enjoyment.

[Debra Taylor]

Object: Cards

E/1958/16/19
Spain: Deck of Cards
Central America
20th Century
Materials: Paper

This deck of cards may seem incomplete, but this style of deck is called a Spanish deck (“naipes” in Spanish) and consists of only 40 cards, rather than the usual 52 cards. The suits of the cards also vary from the standard deck. The Spanish suits have a direct relation to divinatory tarot cards, which consists of cups, wands or batons, coins, and swords. The three court cards, whose imagery comes from older Arabic decks, are the knave, the horseman, and the king. The border around the outside of the deck helps identify the suit for the player. The cups have a single break in the line, the swords have two breaks, the batons have three breaks, and the coins have a solid line.

This particular style of deck is called “cadiz” by collectors, though the manufacturers did not call it such. Traditionally, the cadiz style has printed words on some of the card faces. The horseman has “Ahi va”, which means something like “Good heavens!”, though the expression is enigmatic. The two of cups has “Naipes de una hoja”, which indicates the cards were printed and cut from a single sheet. Manufactured by Heraclio Fournier in 1896, this deck is marked as “El Leon” which signals the printing cycle of the cards.

The Spanish deck is used in numerous card games popular throughout Spain, Portugal, and Central America, including tute, la escoba, and el mus.

[Daniel Gonzalez]